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TURNOCK READING ROOM
Public
Health Practice
Turnock
BJ--Division of Community Health Sciences, University of Illinois at Chicago
School of Public Health
Chapter in Encyclopedia of Public Health. Breslow L, Green LW, Keck W, Last J,
Lave L, Mcginnis M (eds). New York NY; MacMillian; 2000; pages ?
The
phrase practice of public health (which will be used interchangeably with
the term public health practice) fails to evoke a single compelling
image, even for public health professionals who have spent years working in the
field. Unlike medicine, or law, or even engineering, both those who contribute
to and those who benefit from public health practice’s efforts poorly
understand what it is and how it works. This article seeks to illuminate key
aspects of public health practice by addressing the following basic questions:
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What is public
health practice?
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Where did it come
from?
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What does it do?
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How is it
organized and structured?
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What challenges
does it face in the new century?
What
Is Public Health Practice?
One
approach to describing public health practice is to compare it to some similar
activity that most people understand and appreciate. Medical practice appears to
fit this bill. The major functions of medical practice are to diagnose diseases
and other conditions, develop a treatment plan for those health problems, and
see that the treatment regimen achieves its therapeutic goals.
Public
health practice has remarkably similar functions that focus on populations
rather than individual patients. Public health functions involve identifying
health problems and the factors that cause them, developing a strategy to
address these problems, and seeing that these strategies are implemented in a
way that achieves its goals. In this light, public health practice is the
development and application of preventive strategies and interventions in order
to promote and protect the health of populations. Public health practitioners
serve the health needs of populations in very much the same ways that physicians
tend to the health needs of individual patients. Medical practice focuses
primarily on diseases, injuries, and other conditions while public health
practice focuses at the community level on factors that contribute to higher
rates of these same health problems.
The
practice of public health involves both individual and collective efforts. Many
different professions and disciplines contribute to public health practice,
including public health nurses, nutritionists, health educators, environmental
health specialists, physicians, just to name a few. But public health practice
also includes the collective efforts of public health professionals acting in
concert with others, often community partners, to identifying and address health
problems affecting defined populations.
The
inclusion of many different disciplines and skills reflects the fact that many
different factors contribute to health and disease. Various bacteria and viruses
are well-known causes of many infectious diseases. But many other factors can
cause or contribute to the development of other health problems. For example,
the use of tobacco and alcohol are major contributors to heart disease, cancer,
and injuries. Many different behavioral choices place an individual at risk of
certain infectious diseases (such as sexually transmitted diseases), chronic
diseases (such as emphysema), injuries (such as drug overdoses) and other
conditions. There are also factors in the physical environment that affect
health (such as contaminated air, water, or food). The social environment also
provides health risks (low income and education levels, overcrowding, personal
safety, and other factors). Factors related to the use of health and medical
services, such as distance, the number of providers, and even the availability
of day care services, also influence health. With so many different factors that
affect health, there is no one body of scientific knowledge that guides public
health practice. Instead, there are many. These include epidemiology,
statistics, environmental sciences, management, biological sciences, and the
behavioral sciences such as anthropology, sociology, psychology and more.
Political science, economics, law, and many other disciplines are also involved
in modern public health practice. Public health is grounded in science, but this
grounding is in many different sciences rather than only one.
Many
people think of public health practice as only those activities performed by
governmental public health agencies. Public health practice certainly includes,
but is not limited to, the activities of federal, state, and local health
agencies (such as the federal Centers for Disease Control, state health
departments, and local public health departments). But many other individuals,
organizations, institutions and collaborations contribute to public health
practice----and these efforts take place in private and voluntary, as well as in
public settings. For example, hospitals and businesses are often involved in
community-wide health fairs and heart and lung associations continuously promote
healthy lifestyles.
With
so many different participants, the practice of public health can appear to be
fragmented and chaotic. But, ideally, public health practice is strategic and
purposeful; it is organized (perhaps most effectively at the community level)
and it is both inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary. In sum, the practice
of public health embodies what we as a community or society do collectively in
order to ensure conditions in which people can be healthy. The skills and
competencies necessary for public health practice are both individual and
collective.
Where
Did Public Health Practice Come From?
Many
different forces have shaped modern public health practice. These include
diseases and other health threats, history, science, social values, and the role
of government. Health threats have always challenged human populations; nearly
all of the diseases that have wreaked havoc on society over the centuries are
still with us today, including tuberculosis, cholera, malaria, yellow fever, and
plague. While some diseases have disappeared due to intensive prevention and
control initiatives (smallpox is a good example), there is little expectation
that man can avoid all diseases and illnesses. The infectious diseases of the
past have been joined by dozens of other conditions, most recently by AIDS---an
infection with the human immunovirus (HIV)---and by a host of chronic disease
risks and environmental threats. The identification of and responses to these
threats, over time and across the globe, and especially responses that represent
collective decisions and actions, have evolved into what we know as public
health practice.
In
past centuries, health risks and threats were addressed in a variety of ways.
For much of recorded history, diseases were accepted as phenomena beyond human
control. Acceptance and avoidance were major strategies as recently as the
nineteenth century. For example, when cholera appeared in cities or
neighborhoods in Europe and America as recently as the mid-nineteenth century,
residents (if not immediately infected) could accept the risk or choose to move
away until the risk subsided.
While
diseases and the microorganisms that cause them have co-habited with mankind for
all of history, their spread was greatly aided by industrialism, nationalism and
mercantilism in recent centuries. Industrialism brought previously agrarian
societies into urban centers where the population density and unsanitary living
and working conditions fostered the spread of many diseases. Nationalism and
mercantilism fostered travel and trade across the globe and provided increased
opportunities for diseases to be spread from one densely populated area to
another. European societies that had many centuries experience with many
diseases---and had developed an ecological balance with those diseases through
changes in their collective immunological status---brought diseases never before
seen to Native American populations in North and South America. Small wonder
that relatively tiny armies of European explorers easily conquered civilizations
with much larger populations, fostering the belief that they were indeed
supernatural figures and the diseases they brought with them were beyond human
control.
It
was the spread of epidemic diseases largely through seaport towns and cities
that prompted the first American public health responses. Boards of
distinguished citizens, the first local boards of health, were appointed in
cities like Philadelphia, New York and Chicago to provide the credibility and
support necessary to pursue restrictive policies such as quarantining ships and
their crews, or placing notices or placards to warn citizens to avoid locations
where diseases had occurred. But until the latter part of the nineteenth
century, little was known about the causes and pathways of these epidemics. The
work of pioneering scientists in the latter half of the nineteenth century, such
as Louis Pasteur in France and Robert Koch in Germany, paved the way to the
identification of specific microorganisms and eventually to the development of
specific approaches to battle those germs and break the chain of transmission.
These
scientific advances enabled the belief that many health threats could be
addressed through community-wide interventions such as those that would ensure
clean water supplies and sanitary disposal of human waste and sewage. Public
health laboratories were developed to assist in diagnosing new cases so that
prevention and control activities could be put in place to avoid further spread.
Immunizations were developed from these scientific advances and provided to
susceptible populations through massive vaccination programs. As these efforts
required both citizen support and public resources, local governments became
increasingly involved in public health responses. State governments became
active at a slightly later stage, primarily because infectious disease risks did
not respect municipal boundaries.
The
increasing involvement and expectations for governmental participation in public
health responses represents an important facet of public health practice. The
American system of government divides governmental duties and responsibilities
between the federal government and states. There are no specific powers related
to protecting or promoting the health of its citizens identified for the
national government in the U.S. Constitution. As a result, the basic
responsibility for health and public health reside with the states and, as
established by those states, with local governments. The federal role in health
has nonetheless grown, especially over the twentieth century as a result of its
ability to pursue health goals as a power implied (though not explicitly stated)
by the Constitution to promote the general welfare. With immense resources
available through the federal income tax and the ability to influence the
activities of state and local governments by offering financial resources for
specific programs and services through “grant in aid” mechanisms, the
federal government emerged as an important player in the health field. Later its
as a major purchaser of health services through massive national programs such
as Medicare and Medicaid brought the federal government even greater power and
influence in the health sector. Today it maintains a substantial role in health
and pubic health.
The
extensive social and economic chaos accompanying the Great Depression in the
1930s raised public expectations for governmental involvement in the protecting
the health and welfare of all citizens. Prior to this time, most Americans
didn’t want government to have powers over their lives and welfare. This link
with government as an important force in public health has other facets as well.
Only government can implement and enforce some of the policies and interventions
necessary to battle health risks; public water supplies and municipal sewage
programs, for example, or investigating contacts of persons diagnosed with
infectious diseases. To the extent that pubic resources are utilized for these
ends, governmental forums are the appropriate ones for these decisions. This is
but one of the unique features of pubic health practice, its link with
government. But there are several others that have come to distinguish public
heath from other forms of health practice.
The
public nature of public health practice means it must depend on social values
and popular support for both its ends and its means. This makes pubic health
practice inherently political in that different values and perspectives exist in
all communities as to what needs to be done for important public policy
problems. These sentiments and viewpoints change over time and, as a result, the
problems to be addressed by public health practice have changed over time as
well. For example, infectious diseases were major issues through the middle of
the twentieth century. Chronic diseases became a major focus after the middle of
the twentieth century, as did problems and gaps in the health system. Mental
health and substance abuse issues became priorities in the 1970s and 1980s, and
the 1990s saw violence emerge as a new problem for the public health practice
agenda. The ever-changing agenda of public health practice reflects the dynamic
nature of its two most influential forces: science and social values. While
public health practice is grounded in science, as discussed previously, it is
what we choose to do with that scientific knowledge that is determined by social
values.
One
of most unique feature of pubic health practice is its basis in social justice.
Social justice seeks to distribute the benefits of science and technology
equally among all segments of society. In the case of health benefits, this
would mean that efforts are made to eliminate disparities in mortality, disease
incidence, disability and the like. With the considerable differences in health
status and outcomes between African Americans and White Americans, for example,
or between rich and poor, it is clear that not all parts of the U.S. population
share its health benefits equally. These social links help explain why public
health practitioners share an uncommon bond: the commitment to improve the
health status of others.
What
Does Public Health Do Today?
The
complete description for public health practice is yet to be written. The
simplest and most straightforward depiction of what public health practice is
all about today is best illustrated in the mission, vision, and functions
outlined in the Public Health in America statement. This one-page document was
developed to become the hymnal from which all public health practitioners would
sing in the twenty-first century.
This
statement articulates a vision (healthy people in healthy communities), a
mission (promoting physical and mental health and preventing disease, injury,
and disability) and statements of what public health practice does and how it
accomplishes those ends. Six broad statements or commitments characterize what
public health does. Public health:
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Prevents
epidemics and the spread of disease
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Protects against
environmental hazards
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Prevents injuries
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Promotes and
encourages healthy behaviors
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Responds to
disasters and assists communities in recovery
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Assures the
quality and accessibility of health services
How
public health practice accomplishes these objectives and serves its mission is
characterized by ten essential public health services:
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Monitor health
status to identify community health problems
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Diagnose and
investigate health problems and health hazards in the community
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Inform,
educate, and empower people about health issues
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Mobilize
community partnerships to identify and solve health problems
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Develop
policies and plans that support individual and community health efforts
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Enforce laws
and regulations that protect health and ensure safety
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Link people to
needed personal health services and assure the provision of health care
when otherwise unavailable
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Assure a
competent public health and personal health care workforce
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Evaluate
effectiveness, accessibility, and quality of personal and population-based
health services
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Research for
new insights and innovative solutions to health problems
These
statements establish a high standard for performance. But by many different
measures of performance, it appears that public health practice has not fully
achieved these standards. Signs of sub-optimal performance include continuing
high rates of morbidity, mortality and disability for many conditions, huge
disparities among various segments of the population, and a persistently unequal
access to health services. Improvement in these measures requires a well
organized and effectively functioning system of public health practice. However,
because of fragmentation of public health roles and uneven availability of
organized public health practice efforts, assessments of pubic health practice
performance suggest much improvement is possible.
How
is Public Health Practice Organized and Structured?
The
final decades of the twentieth century witnessed a series of examinations and
initiatives that have changed the face of public health practice. These began
with a landmark report issued by the prestigious Institute of Medicine in 1988
entitled The Future of Pubic Health. This report examined the state of pubic
health practice in the 1980s and concluded that the public health system was in
a state of “disarray” and that it required a major re-engineering effort.
The
report proposed that governmental public health organize around three broad
functions: assessment, policy development and assurance. Basically these
translate into identifying what should be done (assessment), what will be done
(policy development), and how best to achieve those ends (assurance).
Determining what should be done results from a comprehensive and broadly
participatory assessment of needs and assets and involves both science and
values. Determining what will be done recognizes that not all needs can be met,
and that some needs are more important than others. Determining how best to
achieve agreed-upon ends involves evidence-based decisions about what works and
what doesn’t in a particular setting and about who needs to be involved in
community interventions.
Some
needs are identified by scientific means, such as data showing higher death
rates from cardiovascular disease in a community or from reports of an
increasing number of AIDS cases. However, other needs are identified by the
willingness of people and organizations to mobilize over problems and issues
that are important to them and their communities. In some instances, problems
are identified for which there may not be convincing data. Yet these problems
can be given as high or a higher priority than those advanced by the so-called
experts. For example, a community may decide that leaf burning is a more
important public health problem than childhood lead poisoning even when the
number of reported cases of elevated blood lead levels is much greater than
illnesses that are linked to leaf burning.
The
IOM report also outlined a series of recommendations for strengthening the
ability of the public health system to carry out its core functions. A number of
these recommendations were embraced by the public health community and were
reflected in initiatives appearing in the early 1990s. These initiatives closely
track the core functions framework of the IOM report.
To
establish a national agenda for public health and prevention, an extensive set
of national health objectives to be achieved by the year 2000 was established.
These Healthy People 2000 objectives were actually the second attempt at
establishing a national agenda for health in the U.S. The first effort was
launched in the late 1970’s by then Surgeon General Julius Richmond
culminating in the nation’s first national health objectives targeting the
year 1990. The sequel to Healthy People 2000, Healthy People 2010, builds on
both earlier efforts but includes an expanded focus on public health practice
and the public health infrastructure. Healthy People 2010 seeks to increase the
quality and years of healthy life for everyone and eliminate health disparities
by means of three strategies: promoting healthy communities, preventing and
reducing diseases and disorders, and promoting healthy behaviors. Improving
systems for personal and public health services is an overarching concern.
Another
major public health practice initiative spawned by the IOM report was the
Assessment Protocol for Excellence in Public Health (APEXPH). This was developed
as a tool to facilitate the local public health leadership capacity of local
public health agencies. There were two major elements of APEXPH; one was an
extensive organizational self-assessment tool and the other was a framework for
developing a community health action plan. Both elements of APEXPH were
developed to promote greater emphasis on implementing the IOM report’s core
public health functions. Both elements also established a new standard of
organizational and community practice for local health departments in the U.S.
and many---but certainly not all---of the nation’s 3000+ local health
departments picked up on one or both elements.
The
increased emphasis on community health planning, through the development of
assessments of community health needs and coordinated plans for addressing those
needs, evolved slowly over the 1990s. In many states and localities, these were
new roles for local health departments. These agencies often lacked the skilled
staff, data and information resources, and links to their communities to be able
to carry out these duties effectively. However, there was general agreement in
the public health practice community that these were necessary and appropriate
roles for local health departments and initial efforts were often successful at
engaging community partners.
The
Institute of Medicine developed a second report on community health improvement
in 1997 promoting an enhanced community health improvement process that would
link community partners to specific roles in community health plans by means of
specific performance measures. At the same time, a variety of other community
health planning initiatives were also flourishing as hospitals, health plans,
civic organizations, and health professionals began to promote similar
processes. The National Turning Point Program was established in 1997 by two
national foundations (Robert Wood Johnson and Kellogg) to reform the practice of
public health at the state and local level through demonstration projects in
fourteen states and more than forty local jurisdictions. Seven more states were
added in 1999. Turning Point initiatives generally involved extensive state and
local partnerships, seeking to include a wide array of partners and stakeholders
from the health field and other sectors of society. For example, business,
religious, educational, law enforcement, and community organization leaders
joined their counterparts from public health, mental health, substance abuse,
and organized medicine.
These
initiatives have brought greater attention to the underlying foundation, or
infrastructure, of public health practice. The infrastructure of public health
can be described in at least two different ways: what it is and what it does.
The first view of the infrastructure looks at the basic building blocks of the
public health system, while the second looks at what those building blocks
actually do. The second view correlates closely with the individual and
collective practice of public health.
The
most important structural elements of the public health system fall into
categories such as workforce, information resources, organizational
relationships, and financial resources. The public health workforce has been
very difficult to assess in terms of its numbers, work settings, component
disciplines, and skill needs. Rough estimates indicate that there about five
hundred thousand public health professionals in federal, state, and local public
agencies, but that most lack formal training in public health. Public health
workers outside these agencies may number several times that of those working
for governmental health agencies. Among the largest occupational categories in
the public health workforce are public health nurses, environmental health
specialists, health administrators, and health educators. Several national
panels have identified public health competencies as essential for a wide
variety of health disciplines and universal competencies for graduate level
public health workers have also been identified. These include: analytical
skills, communication skills, policy development and program planning skills,
cultural skills, basic public health science skills, and financial planning and
management skills.
Data
and information drive pubic health practice in terms of identifying important
health problems, determining the factors causing those problems, establishing
priorities, communicating with policy makers and the media, and evaluating the
effectiveness of various programs and services. Increased access to information
through the Internet, integrated information systems, and other collaborations
should support expanded and more effective participation in planning, policy
development, and assurance activities.
Local
pubic health agencies, frequently called health departments, acting in concert
with state health agencies, are often the vanguard of the public health assault
on health problems. While key players, these governmental agencies require
extensive collaborations and partnerships to be successful. In some instances,
outdated public health laws and regulations inhibit effective action on the part
of an official health agency and its potential collaborators.
The
level of financial resources supporting public health practice is not precisely
known. Estimates are that about 1 percent of all health expenditures, or about
$40 for every man, woman and child in the United States, supports community-wide
prevention programs. When all activities included in the essential public health
services framework are included, the total spending for public health practice
approximates $50 billion, or about $200 per capita. In comparison, nearly $4,000
per capita is spent each year on medical care services for every person in the
United States.
National
objectives for each of these components of the public health infrastructure are
included in Healthy People 2010.
What
Challenges Does Public Health Practice Face in the Year 2000 and Beyond?
Public
health practice faces many challenges in the year 2000 and beyond. Of course
there are scores of continuing (such as cancer and injuries), emerging (such as
AIDS and violence) and re-emerging (such
as tuberculosis) health problems and a slew of new issues on the public health
practice agenda. While health status has never been better (as measured by life
expectancy and infant mortality), the gains have not been shared equally by all
segments of the population. These widening differences reflect the increasing
gap between the “haves” and the “have-nots” in American society and the
widespread prevalence of negative social determinants of health among
subpopulations in the U.S. and entire societies across the globe. Despite the
most expensive and effective medical services in the world, health status gains
have not kept pace with immense investments and the American health system
continues to focus on illness rather than health. These unacceptable realities
challenge public health practitioners at their core values in terms of realizing
public health’s dream of social justice, and creating a health system
organized around health. To accomplish these ends, public health practice will
have to re-learn the lessons if its past and move to expand the circle of public
health practice to include new sectors of society at every level of
government---more community partners and stakeholders and a more involved
citizenry
In
sum, the future poses many challenges for public health practice. Further
improvements in health status such that disparities in outcomes are eliminated
remain the greatest challenges to the practice of public health. A continuing
commitment to realize the dream of social justice in health will likely continue
to drive public health practice in the twenty-first century.
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