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For Italian immigrants, food was about more than simply filling your belly. The bread and peppers purchased from the padrone provided one less jarring adjustment to be made and a source of familiarity and security in an uncertain environment. The Italian saloon allowed men to congregate among others who shared their circumstances, their language and their tastes. Traditional foods served in Italian boarding houses lent hominess to new surroundings and helped combat feelings of loneliness in the strange new city. The smells and tastes of home elicited a sense of family among men whose relatives were often miles away. Scholars generally agree that the central institution in Italian life, or as Lydio Tomasi says, "the only Italian institution", was the family. In the 1950s, sociologist Edward C. Banfield coined the term "amoral familism" to describe the Italian peasant value system in which the welfare of the family guided all actions and decisions. From the family, individuals gained their role in life, their social and economic status, and their values and convictions. While Oscar Handlin believed the strain of immigration disrupted the organization of the Italian family, historians, such as Virginia Yans-McLaughlin have recently argued the contrary. The Italian family, according to Yans-McLaughlin not only survived migration but aided in the adjustment of Italians to their new homes. The consumption and preparation of food were important elements in family life. Food brought the family together, delineated the roles of its members, and marked important events in the life of the family and its individuals. As family life stabilized in the city, the recreation of traditional foods was a decision to retain the central role of food and the family in Italian life.
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In her comparison of Sicilian and New York housing, Donna Gabaccia theorized that Italians considered the home a family refuge from the competition, gossip and closeness of village life. Although other meals might be eaten in the fields, the family preferred to retreat behind closed doors for the evening meal. Among Chicago Italians, the evening meal was an opportunity to bring the family together and reinforce its solidarity, continuity, and family hierarchy. Prompt gathering for dinner reinforced the precedence of family demands above all other activities. Missing a family dinner was inexcusable. Outsiders were often drawn to these aspects of Italian life: I wonder if there is as much happiness on the Gold Coast as over in these basement rooms. When the father comes home at night, six or seven children run to meet him, and a warm supper is always ready... The one-pot or one-dish meals placed in the center of the table, common among Italian families, bolstered the sense of togetherness shared at dinner. Joseph and Cecilia LoDolce even ate their dinner from the same platter, an "Italian-ness" which shocked their young children, born in America. For the earliest migrants, especially single males, regular weekly meal patterns reflected both economizing and time-saving. As families stabilized, they continued to employ set patterns from week to week. Mary Argenzio's family's meal plan was so invariable that she remembered its details years later. Monday was soup, either bean or chicken; Tuesday was cabbage; Wednesday was potatoes cooked in the oven with meat; Thursday was spaghetti; Friday, fish; Saturday fried pork chops with potatoes and Sunday, homemade macaroni with veal pocket. The LoDolce family ate lentils every Tuesday night for twenty-two years until the father, Joseph LoDolce, broke the tradition by announcing that he actually did not like lentils. |
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Many immigrants recalled these patterns as shared throughout the community. "Course like everybody else you know," reported Louis Panico, "it was never Sunday without spaghetti. Naturally." Thursdays were a day for macaroni "like everyone else," according to Panico. Fridays were religious fast days and fish was invariably served in all Italian households. The Castaldo family on West Polk Street ate pasta in the soup they prepared every Monday, they ate spaghetti on Tuesday with meatballs or sausage, and they ate it again on Thursday. On Sunday the spaghetti sauce was more elaborate, cooked with beef or pork, and roast chicken and cake were also on the menu. Like their neighbors, the Castaldos ate bacala, or dried codfish on Fridays, cooked with tomatoes, peppers, onions, garlic, and potatoes. For many families the recipes were those remembered from home and their routine never changed. They gave continuity within the family and a sense of shared culture among neighbors. The invariability of meals was a signal that one was "at home." |
| Holidays had the most consistent patterns. Distinctive foods served to emphasize the specialness of the occasion and to establish continuity with the past. As Thomas Perpoli remembers, "We used to get raviolis and extra fruit, you know, I mean extra meals...'cause that was actually the way we celebrated... with extra nice food...." Certain foods helped to define certain holidays. Christmas Eve was a fast day for Italians and the Italian tradition of serving several kinds of fish for a late meal after midnight mass was carried on in Chicago, even among the poorest families. Rosamond Mirabella recalled at least three kinds of fish were always served with oysters, fried or in a salad and macaroni cooked with olive oil and garlic. Ann Castaldo Iandolo's family ate calamari, or squid, as their traditional Christmas Eve meal. Leonard Giuliano remembered, "...the next day, Christmas wouldn't be Christmas without traditional ravioli, you know, and either stuffed chicken or stuffed capon." | |
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| For Easter, the Panico family reserved a lamb or goat a month ahead of time from its local butcher and prepared it with cheese, parsley, and tomato. "And that's Easter," Louis Panico recalled. Families with members named for Saint Joseph prepared a dish of homemade macaroni, fried breadcrumbs, and a sauce of tomatoes, sardines, finocchi, and nuts on that patron saint's day. Holiday foods changed with affluence, yet their function as reminders of tradition continued even through change. In later years, the Giuliano family added shrimp to their Christmas Eve dinner of eel, smelt, calamari, squid, and cod. Yet, Christmas Eve was also the only time pasta cooked with oil, bread crumbs, and anchovy was eaten "in order to remind everybody of our humble beginning..." In a 1930s study of the persistence of ethnic customs, Anna Zaloha observed, "Over and over the children have said, 'After we've eaten, then everybody begins to talk and tell how things were done in Italy.'" The exchange and consumption of specific foods helped to mark important life stages for family members. Mary Candice recalled that new mothers were brought a live gray hen and women who had many relatives and friends would often get several. Pastina shaped into stars or alphabet letters were also brought to add to chicken soup, which was believed to have medicinal properties. Rosa Casettari found comfort in the hot water with bread and butter in it brought to women after childbirth. Homemade anisette in different colors was made by Sicilian godparents, who then brought it to Christenings. Baptisms, communions, and confirmations were all celebrated with large meals. The Italian "peanut wedding," a custom whose origin remains obscure but was surely not a remnant of the home country, was ubiquitous among Chicago Italians by the 1920s. Roast beef sandwiches and "bags and bags of peanuts", were passed around on large trays in family homes and later, in rented halls at nearly all Italian weddings. Women sometimes brought shopping bags to these events and spent the evening slipping in as many sweets to take home to their children as they could manage. Even grief and mourning required food and the nearest relative of a bereaved family cooked a large dinner to bring to the family after the funeral. | |
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