Reprinted from Tobacco Control in Developing Countries, editors Prabhat Jha and Frank Chaloupka, with permission from Oxford University Press (copyright owner), 2000

Chapter 7
The Economic Rationale for Intervention in the Tobacco Market

Prabhat Jha, Phillip Musgrove, Frank J. Chaloupka,and Ayda Yurekli

Economic theory starts with the assumption that a consumer usually knows what is best for him or herself - the notion of 'consumer sovereignty'. The theory also assumes that privately-determined consumption choices including the decision whether to consume a particular product at all within a free competitive market, will most efficiently allocate society's scarce resources. Within this framework, economic theory holds that if smokers consume tobacco with full information about its health consequences and addictive potential, and bear all costs and benefits of their choice themselves, there is no justification, on the grounds of inefficiency, for governments to interfere. However, in practice, the market for tobacco is characterized by three specific 'market failures' - that is, features that result in economic inefficiencies and that may therefore justify public intervention. First, there is an 'information failure' about the health risks of smoking: some consumers do not know the risks, and, even where consumers are informed, they may not appreciate the scale of those risks or apply the knowledge to themselves. Second, there is an information failure about the addictive potential of tobacco. Many smokers, and especially adolescents, under-estimate the risk of becoming addicted and, once addicted, face very high costs in trying to quit. These two information failures result in high private costs of death and disability for smokers. The third market failure is the external costs of smoking - that is, the cost imposed by smokers on other. External costs are more clearly apparent as the health effects of passive smoking. There are several ways that governments may intervene. In economic theory, 'first-best' interventions, which specifically address the identified inefficiency, should ideally be pursued. In the tobacco market, the first-best intervention would probably be to educate young people about the risks of addiction and disease from smoking, or to restrict their access to tobacco. However, evidence suggests that these measures are largely ineffective. In contrast, taxation, albeit a blunt instrument and thus a 'second-best intervention', is highly effective at protecting children from taking up smoking. Taxation is also an effective means of correcting external health costs, and possibly, also external financial costs. However, taxation and various other interventions impose costs on a wide range of smokers. The policy options available to governments are discussed.

Chapter 7 (PDF 117KB)